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== Notes ==
^ Vittes, M. E., Pollock Iii, P. H., & Lilie, S. A. (1993). Factors contributing to NIMBY attitudes __Waste Management, 13__(2), 125-129. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0956053X9390004G

'''__Abstract__'''
Most discussions about public resistance to hazardous waste facility siting assume that opponents to the projects -- those evincing "not-in-my-backyard" (NIMBY) attitudes -- have strong environmental values, insufficient or inaccurate knoweledge, and can be assuaged by managerial input or economic benefits. Yet our findings suggest
1. that a person's environmental concern is not a significant factor in opposing the facilities, and
1. that knowledge generally works to polarize differences rather than collapse them.
@@ -14,17 +15,12 @@
1. education,
1. economic incentives,
1. and inclusion in management.
__Yet these prescriptions generally do '''not''' work as expected__
Authors argue
1. that the assumptions are inaccurate or wrong, and
1. that NIMBY attitudes have a stronger basis in core cultural values than more immediate instrumental considerations.
The case of nuclear power is used as an analogy, since research has shown clearly that presentation of the issue as one of deficient public accountability by capitalist institutions has proved more effective than alternative explanations evoking environmental quality or economic efficiency.
Technical issues, such as those involving nuclear power and hazardous waste, require intermediaries for most people to understand and interpret the issues and relate them to their core values.
But while there are many continuities between the two issues, we find that there are still opportunities for public attitudes toward hazardous waste to develop differently.

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Notes

^ Vittes, M. E., Pollock Iii, P. H., & Lilie, S. A. (1993). Factors contributing to NIMBY attitudes Waste Management, 13(2), 125-129. http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/0956053X9390004G

Abstract
Most discussions about public resistance to hazardous waste facility siting assume that opponents to the projects -- those evincing "not-in-my-backyard" (NIMBY) attitudes -- have strong environmental values, insufficient or inaccurate knoweledge, and can be assuaged by managerial input or economic benefits. Yet our findings suggest
  1. that a person's environmental concern is not a significant factor in opposing the facilities, and
  2. that knowledge generally works to polarize differences rather than collapse them.
Prescriptions for dilemma revolve around three strategies:
  1. education,
  2. economic incentives,
  3. and inclusion in management.
Yet these prescriptions generally do not work as expected
Authors argue
  1. that the assumptions are inaccurate or wrong, and
  2. that NIMBY attitudes have a stronger basis in core cultural values than more immediate instrumental considerations.
The case of nuclear power is used as an analogy, since research has shown clearly that presentation of the issue as one of deficient public accountability by capitalist institutions has proved more effective than alternative explanations evoking environmental quality or economic efficiency.
Technical issues, such as those involving nuclear power and hazardous waste, require intermediaries for most people to understand and interpret the issues and relate them to their core values.
But while there are many continuities between the two issues, we find that there are still opportunities for public attitudes toward hazardous waste to develop differently.


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